Dr. Dobb's Journal April 2000
Current reports in the media and debates in the U.S. Congress present conflicting views of the job market for information technology people. Industry representatives say there is a shortage of qualified workers. (For example, see the Information Technology Association of America's "Help Wanted 1998: A Call for Collaborative Action for the New Millennium," http://www.itaa.org/ workforce/ studies/hw98.htm.) Others say that is there no shortage and that the industry creates its own problems by using overly specific criteria for employment and by failing to make good use of older workers (see "Debunking the Myth of a Desperate Software Labor Shortage," by Norman Matloff, testimony to the U.S. House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration, April 21, 1998, http://heather.cs.ucdavis.edu/itaa.html).
Neither of these conflicting views is new. For at least 50 years, high-tech employers have claimed that labor shortages restrict U.S. economic growth, and engineers and other technical professionals have worried about the consequences of rapid obsolescence of their technical skills. Despite the employer claims, there is no evidence that general shortages of technical people have occurred. This has not kept employers from lobbying Congress for increased access to foreign workers and taking other steps to beef up the size of the pool of IT specialists. A large supply of workers is advantageous for industry, helping to contain the costs and bargaining power of labor and supplying a large pool of talent.
These debates sometimes make dubious uses of statistical information. With this problem in mind, in 1998, the United Engineering and Alfred P. Sloan Foundations arranged for a small project to provide better guidance to the statistical facts about IT careers. The goal of the IT Workforce Data Project was to identify and disseminate authoritative facts about information technology job markets. The project has produced four brief reports:
This article summarizes the findings of these reports and examines some of their implications for people in the profession. The full text of the reports is available online at http://www.uefoundation.org/ itworkfp.html.
Reliable data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bureau of the Census, National Center for Educational Statistics, and National Science Foundation provide a consistent picture of professional employment in information technology, centered on a group of core occupational specialties -- computer scientists, computer engineers, and systems analysts. Programmers were added to this group; federal databases treat programming as a technician's field, not a professional specialty, but the industry's practice of using terms like "programmer" and "software engineer" interchangeably means that programmers should be included. In some cases (for example, in assessments of degree production), electrical engineers with specific computer hardware or software specialties were also included in counts of people with core IT skills.
Federal statistics on these occupations support the following broad conclusions (many more details are in the original reports of the IT Workforce project):
This last factor is of particular interest. First, participation in academic IT degree programs has increased sharply. Second, there is a substantial reserve of trained people who are not working in core IT jobs. Third, Congress has expanded access to temporary foreign workers and is considering expanding it even more. The U.S. accounts for less than 10 percent of the world's annual production of high-tech degrees; globally, more than 1 million bachelor's degrees in engineering and related fields like math and computer science are awarded every year. This enormous offshore pool of talent is increasingly available to U.S. employers, who have an understandable interest in "creaming" it. And fourth, immigration is not the only way that U.S. employers can use foreign talent. Data from the Department of Commerce's import/export statistics show that the dollar value of foreign outsourcing of computer, data processing, and other IT services rose nearly eightfold between 1986 and 1997, to $434 million per year; see Figure 4. The services of people with doctoral degrees in electrical engineering can be purchased in India for about a tenth of what they cost in the U.S., suggesting that this level of outsourcing may displace as much as $4 billion a year in domestic employment.
So what does all this mean for individual IT specialists? A healthy degree of skepticism is appropriate when the industry asserts that there are shortages of qualified people. More objective evidence says that this is not the case. As the final report of the IT Workforce Project put it, "...several indicators -- rising numbers of experienced unemployed workers, the flat compensation results reported by Computerworld, increasing enrollments in computer science -- suggest that if anything, pressures of demand on the available supply may have eased somewhat during the past year... It may seem contradictory, but we suggest that there is no general shortage of workers; many employers still can't find the people they seek; and some persons with IT training and experience have difficulty finding work. How can this be? One answer may be that there are signs of a strong preference for recent graduates in the IT job market."
In other words, if employers are experiencing shortages, they are not shortages of qualified people in general but rather shortages of particular kinds of qualified people. Much of the IT literature addresses this matter of idealized expectations on the part of some IT employers. As Reginald Charney indicated in his article on hiring practices in the Fall 1999 issue of the "Software Careers" supplement to DDJ, "The ideal candidate is a self-motivated, self-starting, team player who has just done exactly the desired job successfully in a closely related business -- preferably at the competition..." When searches for such ideal candidates fail -- and as Charney suggests, usually they will -- then many employers may fall back on the next best alternative, newly trained graduates who may make up in energy and a willingness to do whatever is asked of them for what they lack in previous experience. Similar motivations may explain the appeal of foreign labor. If an employee's presence in the United States depends on keeping his bosses happy, that gives management an edge that it does not have over other workers.
This raises an aspect of the IT job market that is underscored by the IT Workforce Data Project's findings: It is a hot field, the fastest growing employment sector in the nation. Hot fields promise lots of openings, which is why career guidance writers love them. But this is a poor way to make career decisions. People are much better off choosing to do what they enjoy and what they're good at, preferably both. In any case, the general level of supply and demand for a profession has little to do with the success of particular individuals; indeed, the greatest successes come to people who are astute or lucky enough to get into a field early, long before it is hot.
Hot fields have other pitfalls for the unwary. They tend to be linked to business sectors that attract investors who are looking for quick returns and who do not care much about the longer-run fate of employees; they may offer enormous rewards, but they also may entail serious risks. This does not mean that you should get out of IT; it just says that people in the profession need to be canny players and to learn that technical skills will not be all that it takes to survive and prosper, especially in the more risky high-wire ventures.
Another neglected characteristic of IT job markets is that because they are very large and present to at least some degree in virtually all employment sectors, they are also quite diverse. The frantic pace of Internet startups or prestigious software houses such as Microsoft and Oracle has a tendency to capture public attention and to define what the entire IT marketplace looks like, but this is illusory. Many large employers of IT talent represent more mature market sectors such as consulting, banking, manufacturing, government, and insurance. These types of employers are willing to look at a wide range of job candidates and may pay more attention to building long-term careers for their employees. A larger point is that the IT job market cannot be accurately described by any single set of characteristics. Instead, there are enormous variations by region, types of employers, and types of job candidates.
The findings of the IT Workforce project raise other issues. One is the fate of people as they age. Career tracks into management are one option, but they will not appeal to all, nor can management fill all of the needs for employment that an aging IT workforce has. Other technical career tracks may be blocked by age discrimination, which probably exists in many IT shops, and at the moment it does not appear that anyone is prepared to do much about it. As noted earlier, the supply of youthful talent will shrink during the next 10 years as the "Baby Bust" generation continues to move out of school and into the workforce. To the extent that employers depend on young talent, their recruitment problems are going to escalate. This might lead some organizations to rethink their hiring guidelines. To judge by anecdotal reports of discriminatory practices in the industry, some IT employers are going to need to make drastic changes in the habits of their employees. For example, it has been reported that youthful managers, who are common in IT, are uncomfortable supervising people who are older and more experienced than they are. This kind of attitude may become a luxury, if not a weakness, in the future, when the choice may be to supervise some older people or supervise no one at all.
In general, all IT specialists need to deal with the problem of the short life of particular skill sets, and with the fact that at least some employers assume that when people move on to more middle-aged life styles that include families and other interests beyond the job, then it is time for those people to work somewhere else. The rapid turnover of IT technology does give youth an edge; they have the most recent training. This raises the question of what to do when you are over the hill (which may occur as early as age 30, certainly by age 40). Many people may need to think about retraining or starting second careers. It may be possible to combine IT skills with substantive experience in other areas and then spin off in those directions.
Finally, the rising involvement of workers from all over the world in U.S. information technology reminds us once again that for employers, the job market is global. Nativists -- those who would restrict if not eliminate foreign access to U.S. jobs -- may try to oppose this trend, but the record of economic history suggests that they will fail. The U.S. workforce is going to have to compete with the top performers of the rest of the world. Our advice is to get used to it.
R.A. Ellis and B. Lindsay Lowell, IT Workforce Data Project Reports I-IV (New York: United Engineering Foundation, 1999). Web link to full text and Acrobat PDF files for all four documents: http://www .uefoundation.org/itworkfp.html.
Burt Barnow, John Trutko, and Robert Lerman, Skill Mismatches and Worker Shortages: The Problem and Appropriate Responses, the final report to the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Policy, U.S. Department of Labor (Washington: The Urban Institute, 1998. This important and highly useful document includes a case study of the labor market for IT workers. Unfortunately, it is not available on the Web. Interested readers may be able to obtain a copy by contacting Dr. Barnow at the Institute for Policy Studies, Johns Hopkins University).
Also see Carolyn M. Veneri, "Can Occupational Labor Shortages be Identified Using Available Data?" Monthly Labor Review [Washington: Department of Labor, March 1999 (http://stats.bls.gov/opub/mlr/ 1999/03/art2exc.htm)]; Carol Ann Meares and John F. Sargent, Jr., The Digital Workforce: Building Infotech Skills at the Speed of Innovation [Washington: Office of Technology Policy, U.S. Department of Commerce, 1999; (http://www.ta.doc .gov/ Reports/itsw/digital.pdf)]; and Peter Freeman and William Aspray, The Supply of Information Technology Workers in the United States [Washington: Computing Research Association, 1999; (http://www.cra .org/reports/wits/cra.wits.html)].
DDJ